Neuromarketing In The Era Of Hyperactive Competition

By M H Ahssan

Market conditions are no longer just competitive, but hyperactive. And at the epicentre of this hyperactivity lies the consumer – caught in a perpetual flux as the constantly shifting dynamics rumble through his/her cognitive faculties. HNN explores the growing trend that is revolutionising the world of branding – Neuromarketing

To say that there is a surfeit of competition is stating the obvious. But how do companies ensure that consumers prefer them over the rest during that vital moment of truth, when the consumer is at the store within picking distance of their brand, or for that matter, their competitor’s. There are enough and more cases to highlight the fact that consumers walk the other way at the very last minute, leaving their preferred brand out in the cold. Shubhra S Kumar is one such consumer. When Kumar entered a large format retail store last week, she had already made up her mind on what she wanted to buy — three casual shirts, all Pepe. But when she walked out, her shopping bag did not have a single shirt from her preferred brand. Instead she had picked up a rather lesser-known brand Rig, without any salesperson pushing it down her throat. Why? Kumar states the obvious, that she found the range of Rig attractive in the key parameters of colours, finish and design.

For a new and growing tribe of experts in the field of marketing, this vague explanation is perfectly clear. For this is a set that probes for a deeper meaning using medical technologies like the functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), to explore last minute changes in consumer behaviour. Did Kumar’s brain pick up signals from a hyperactive competitor at the point of sale? Did the mind play tricks, or did it take a short cut in the purchase decision process? Called Neuromarketing, it’s the new, advanced, marketing technique that’s catching on like forest fire. To put it simply, Neuromarketing studies the marketing stimuli among consumers using techniques that are perfected not in business schools, but in medical universities — sensory, motor, cognitive, affective response and so on.

Be doubly sure, this is no brain wave, but a technique that’s finding a remarkable acceptance in the marketing departments of large corporations. An Internet search of the term ‘Neuro marketing’ throws up 2.5 million results. And the companies that are currently using Neuromarketing to mine for insights to their increasing roster of marketing challenges include the top-notch marketing corporations ranging from automobile companies to beverage makers. You name them, they have tried it. In fact, as we were going to press with this issue, a source told BE about a large scale, and extremely successful Neuromarketing exercise, being undertaken by a leading consumer goods company in India (more about that later).

When the next big thing, does become The Big Thing, CMOs could come with the prefix of ‘Dr’ to their names. Because understanding Neuromarketing, could mean bringing the expertise of understanding the human brain to the marketing world. For example, when consumers avoid the brand in question, a Neuromarketer could conduct an fMRI analysis to understand which areas of the brain actually influence such aversive behaviour. Or it can identify certain genetic codes that separate the risk takers from the conservatives and help companies design campaigns that trigger the risk takers to take action and prefer their brand over the competition.

If experts in the field are to be believed this data can be tracked in a manner that’s completely non-invasive. “Neural activity results in the generation of electro-magnetic signals that can be captured by sensors. These signals are processed and then analysed statistically to draw behavioural patterns of consumers,” explains P C Kutty, J Eddie chair professor at the FRM school of business. He adds that the accuracy of these measurements, that can be filtered down to the order of milliseconds (one-thousandth of a second) has attracted the interest of researchers who are demystifying the decision-making process.

N Swami, a senior executive from an MNC that’s tried out Neuromarketing points out that another area of interest that’s gaining ground among Neuromarketers, is to track the connection between the codes passed by the optical nerves to the brain. Some questions that are being asked by marketers include, do consumers exhibit a bias to products that they see more often, through exposure to advertisements and product displays, or do they pick brands that they see first at the store shelves. Other questions that are being explored include, does a product being placed on the left stand a better chance of being picked — considering that in countries like ours, consumers are trained from a young age to look from left to right (remember, before crossing the road).

At another level, the science of Neuromarketing is also being used to track which is the best possible marketing channel strategy, how consumers react to different pack sizes and price points at various points, which distribution strategy works better in triggering the positive response, which distribution mechanism sends confusing codes to the brain and so on. R Banerjee at the The Retail Institute points out that even different retail chains can trigger different stimuli among consumers. “The same consumer may buy your product at one retail point, but choose your competitor at another retail destination. This can happen despite the space allocated to your brand remaining the same” he says. That’s because different retail chains can have a different influence on the perception and evaluation of the product.

Other factors that influence the decision making process include the brain retrieving the episodic memory, past experience with the brand, sensory memory (memory that is stimulated through the senses) and so on. Analysis by neuromarketers help in establishing which parts of the brain show the maximum activity while selecting or rejecting a brand. These findings help marketers find out what are the influencing factors behind consumer susceptibility and helps in positioning the product in such a manner that it results in developing a judgement bias in favour of the product and also develop even the right product and price strategy for the entire portfolio of offerings.

Take the case of a large consumer goods manufacturer who’s supposedly running one of the largest Neuromarketing programmes that the country has seen. In this case, the company saw a remarkable decline in several of its key categories particularly in some retail formats, that too in particular states in the last three months. As a part of its critical salvage operations, the company also initiated a Neuromarketing exercise that has in a short span delivered much more than what the company bargained for. What triggered this amazing turnaround?

Exclusive: The power of your vote

By Sri Sri Ravi Shankar

India’s problems are complex. And unfortunately these are compounded by vote-bank politics. Instead of uniting the different sections of society, many politicians divide it to keep their vote banks intact. If people are united, politicians won’t be able to get votes through divisive politics. In such a situation, the only way for them to win votes would be through good performance.

As citizens, we must protect our country from those who manipulate issues for their personal gains and who lead by playing vote-bank politics. Those with vested interests support insensible decisions and oppose sensible ones. We have to steer clear of such leaders. We must encourage broad-minded politicians and leaders to come forward and take charge, and to educate and uplift the society – spiritually, morally and socially.

We need leaders who are satya-darshi (truthful), sam-darshi (equanimous), priya-darshi (pleasant), paar-darshi (transparent) and door-darshi (visionary). So, before we elect our leaders, we should examine their qualifications.

We must elect leaders who will do away with policies based on caste, creed, religion and region; who will ensure that every child gets a multi-cultural, multi-dimensional education.

We need leadership with a mission and a vision, leadership with a spirit of sacrifice, compassion and commitment. We must choose leaders who have a long-term vision and short-term plans to achieve it. They should have great personal integrity, and place the country before themselves.

Unfortunately, most of our politicians lack a sense of sacrifice and inclusiveness. Irrespective of the party they belong to, people perceive politicians as insincere. Today, people are fed up of them. This is when apathy sets in among people. They dismiss politics as a whole and withdraw from their basic duty of voting.

Our votes are an important tool to bring about a change in the system; they give us an opportunity to raise our voice against injustice. But many of us have developed a chalta hai attitude, because we fail to see the power of our votes. This attitude is dangerous for the country. By not voting we are encouraging the status quo.

Each one of us must not only vote but also encourage others around us to vote. When good, intelligent and well-educated people don’t vote, they play into the hands of politicians, who use money and vote bank politics to seize power. People should not lose hope. Good politicians exist. And they must be given a chance to do the best they can for the country, for its people.

We have seen the shortcomings of capitalism, communism and socialism. Now is the time for humanism and spiritualism. Politics without humanism and spiritualism is bound to be dirty. Many people believe that spiritualism is not for this world, that it is not a practical tool to bring about societal transformation. But that’s a misconception. Mahatma Gandhi was spiritual. He conducted satsangs every day and played an important role in bringing freedom for our country.

That is why today we need leaders who have a spirit of sacrifice, and who are spiritual in their outlook, to enter politics.

Nurturing entrepreneurship in India’s villages

By M H Ahssan

The world’s great cities and the professionals who live in them are linked more tightly to one another than they are with their own rural hinterlands. Yet true prosperity starts in the countryside.

It’s not surprising that well-travelled professionals living in global cities, such as New Delhi, New York, Paris, Rio, and Shanghai, have more in common with one another, in lifestyle and values, than they do with rural citizens in their respective nations. In general, villagers, particularly in the emerging world, have benefitted less from globalization than urbanites have. Seventy percent of India’s citizens, for instance, live in rural isolation, largely disconnected from the benefits of their nation’s fast-paced economic growth.

These are globalization’s forgotten frontiers, where more must be done to connect urban markets with rural ones in order to speed their development. How this happens will vary from nation to nation. In China, for instance, the government actively spurred the village economy, largely through agricultural-reform measures implemented during the 1980s. By contrast, India’s government has only a limited ability to bring about real change in the country’s villages. Private entrepreneurs might well be more effective.

Recently, I trudged through the mire of a government-run food auction yard, or mandi, in Bangalore, the global economy’s offshoring capital. Piles of supposedly fresh produce lay everywhere, rotting in the sun and competing with mangy dogs and scampering mice for my attention. Huddles of impecunious farmers, wearing the traditional dhoti, looked on with resignation. A government agent, pen tucked behind ear, offered a pittance for the produce on display.

The farmers’ day had started before dawn. Chugging along on narrow so-called highways, they came to the auction yard in ramshackle public buses, bullock carts, trucks, and even tractors. Their produce unloaded, they accepted whatever they got. After snatching a few hours’ sleep in a shady corner, they retraced their steps home.

In India, agricultural mandates have long required farmers to sell their produce through such wholesale yards. Although meant to free poor farmers from the clutches of local moneylenders, the mandi has become a monopoly. The farmer remains exploited, but now by local political interests.

But let’s change the scene from a city market in India to a rural village in China. Not long after I visited Bangalore, I crisscrossed parts of Henan—the name means “south of the Yellow River” (Huanghe). The province, one of China’s most populous, is home to more than a hundred million people. I started in Zhengzhou, the capital, a major industrial center and railway junction, and traveled to Chengguan, a county seat with 100,000 inhabitants. Chengguan was scrupulously clean; municipal services were apparent even in the predawn hours. The city bustled, but there was no squalor in the streets. I then headed to the very small village of Qiu, with a population of no more than a few thousand. The paved roads, in better condition than the Massachusetts Turnpike and other highways I know at home, led right up to the cornfields on the edge of the village. Qiu itself, if not quite prosperous, had none of the desperation so obvious in many Indian villages.

Rural development is crucial for the overall development of a nation’s economy. China’s economic revolution started with the reform of its village enterprises; foreign direct investment followed. Agricultural development in rural areas generated economic surpluses that in turn fed light manufacturing in rural and semiurban areas and, ultimately, industrialization in urban ones. A virtuous cycle ensued. The economic surplus promoted reinvestment in new technology and released human capital for broader development. This was China’s path, as it was Indonesia’s, and Vietnam has taken it since 1989.

India, however, has not. The nation’s government has failed to invest in its villages. The farmers who sold their produce in a mandi in Bangalore live a daily struggle for existence in their home villages. Today, 89 percent of all rural households do not own a telephone, and 52 percent have no domestic power connection. The average village is two kilometers away from an all-weather road, and 20 percent of rural habitations must walk for miles to obtain safe drinking water, have access to it for only a few hours a day for much of the year, or have no access at all.

Where India’s government has failed, social and business entrepreneurs are accumulating a better track record. The Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA), for example, centered in Gujarat, has economically empowered hundreds of thousands of women, helping them to become economically self-sufficient by providing small loans to start myriad businesses catering to health care, elementary education, and the like. Companies such as Hindustan Unilever and Indian Tobacco Company (ITC) have long had distribution networks that provide some investment, goods, and services to Indian villages beyond the government’s reach.

India should take a page from China’s playbook and fix its villages, but not in the way China has. China’s strong government was able to force the rapid dissemination of rural agricultural reforms. India’s weak one cannot accomplish anything remotely comparable. Instead, India should seek to empower its villagers and nurture entrepreneurial activity, while also taking advantage of its strengths in the private sector. Corporations need a seat at the table of village reform—even multinationals, because the task of reform is so enormous. Outright foreign direct investment, by Düsseldorf-based Metro AG, for example, should be welcome, as should joint ventures, like the one between Bharti Enterprises and Wal-Mart Stores. Such businesses, together with local ones, can lay the foundations for a modern agricultural supply chain linking the village farmer with the urban market.

Only then will India, and not just its global cities, rise.

Needed, innovative ideas to spur the economy

By M H Ahssan

India need not go by the global mantra of unlimited fiscal expansion. It should rather creatively target government spending.

Political parties have a great opportunity to come up with truly innovative and inclusive ideas to re-energise India’s economy as the western world slips into the worst recession since the great depression of 1930. Even as political parties prepare to release their election manifestos over the next week or so, it will be interesting to see how leading formations like the UPA and NDA respond with new ideas to the unprecedented situation developing in the global economy.

Even if the full impact of job losses and economic distress is yet to be felt uniformly across the country, especially in rural India, the climate of growing distress and insecurity will force political parties to come up with new ideas to mitigate the impending crisis.

In some sense, this is an inflexion point for India’s political economy which is waiting for the political class to introspect and look carefully within and come up with ideas specific to local culture and situations.

Globally, the new mantra is unlimited fiscal and monetary stimulus. But it may be foolish to blindly follow the herd. Strangely, as the IMF exhorts the world to expand the fisc to lift the global economy, rating agencies like S&P are busy downgrading the outlook for every economy that is expanding the fisc. Except, of course, that of the United States. The US enjoyed the highest rating at the end of Bill Clinton’s presidency when America had a huge fiscal surplus and it is still rated AAA when the US fiscal deficit is projected to expand to an unprecedented 15% of GDP! Simply because it runs the printing machine for a currency which the world habitually accepts.

So the short point is, emerging economies like India will have to think for themselves. It is here that the innovativeness of the Indian intelligentsia and its political class will be tested. One important component of this will be how the Indian government targets its increased spending at the Centre and state levels. If the gross borrowings of the Centre and states together has increased from some 7% to 12% of GDP since 2007-08, we surely need to figure out how the extra 5% of GDP or $50 billion is being spent. It must stimulate the economy in some way or the other.

The current global crisis provides the biggest opportunity to creatively target spending by the Centre and states. One successful example is the way the government set aside Rs 5,000 crore for replacement of old state transport buses that had been fully depreciated in the books decades ago. According the Cabinet Secretary, KMChandrasekhar, orders have been placed by various states for 14,000 buses which are to be delivered in the next few months. “I am informed by the Chief Secretaries of various states that the companies supplying the buses don’t have the capacity to supply so many buses before the June deadline. So the deadline may get extended after a new government is in place”, said Chandrasekhar. This is one fiscal stimulus scheme which appears to be delivering quick results. India needs a hundred such targeted schemes which will deliver results within six months.

Public sector banks could play a big role by setting up special loan appraisal division for small entrepreneurs and self-employed businesses. For instance, the thousands of decrepit taxis and smaller commercial transport vehicles—over 25 years old— plying in cities like Mumbai, Delhi, Chennai etc could be offered replacement loans by banks. The repayment period could be made longer and part of the interest component subsidised by the government. This would not only raise demand for vehicles in the immediate future but also raise productivity in a big way, besides improving energy efficiency.

The Centre and states could work together in many other ways. For instance, the home ministry can work with state home departments to refurbish thousands of police stations and other infrastructure across the country. This would increase the offtake of cement and metals and other items that the small scale industry provides. In short, there is a need for hundreds of such small ideas that can bear results in the immediate future. India has the advantage of volumes. Every small idea, in terms of value, can multiply in millions.India is fast urbanising and waste management and environmental pollution is a huge issue. This is also a unique opportunity for public policy.

The Congress party can revive Rajiv Gandhi’s aborted plan for cleansing the Ganga. The original effort did not fully succeed because it became a bureaucratic, top-down project. The same idea can be revived in a bottomup fashion by involving village panchayats and municipal bodies in small towns. The idea must be to create thousands of small infrastructure related to waste management, for the millions of inhabitants alongside the Ganga. Ganga has a powerful cultural connotation and if conceived well this could well turn out to be a grassroots movement. The existing funds under NREGA or JNURUM could be used in the Ganga project. Both the main political parties of the country, Congress and BJP, are struggling to become relevant in the Gangetic belt. Even politically, a massive effort related to improving the infrastructure around the Ganga could provide the right socialeconomic fillip. Any takers?

Vital ingredient for bird flu drug found in India

By Sakshi Aiyyer

Shikimic Acid Used For Making ‘Tamiflu’ Has Been Discovered In 7 Plants Species Of Western Ghats

Shikimic acid, the most vital ingredient used to make Oseltamivir, (Tamiflu) the only known drug to combat the deadly bird flu, has been found in trees in the Western Ghats.

Scientists from Bangalore have found at least seven plant species that yielded shikimic acid from the Western Ghat forests, known as one of the world’s 10 hottest biodiversity hotspots.

The team from University of Agricultural Sciences, Bangalore, said it scanned through 210 plant species to shortlist “a few promising species whose leaves yielded shikimic acid level higher than 1%”.

Presently, the majority of the acid’s global availability is met by China because it is extracted from the fruits of the Chinese star anise tree, that contains up to 5% of the acid. But the 10-metre tree attains its seed-bearing stage after six years of growth, making it unlikely that the growing market demand of the acid would be met by the single source alone.

The fruits of this tree are traditionally used in China for culinary and medicinal purposes as they contain 2%-7% of shikimic acid, the highest reported estimate from plants.

Interestingly, the trees discovered by Indian scientists have yielded 1%-5.02% of the acid, with a plant species called Araucaria Excelsa yielding almost 5.02% of shikimic acid. The most significant advantages of the newly identified Indian sources is that the estimates are from leaves and not fruits as is the case with star anise.

Reporting their finding in the latest issue of the medical journal ‘Current Science’, the scientists said a total of 193 angiosperms (flowering plants) belonging to 59 families and 17 gymnosperms (plants in which the seeds are not enclosed in an ovary) belonging to five families were collected for the study. “Only 7 of the 193 angiosperm species yielded shikimic acid in excess of 1% while the rest yielded no or low shikimic acid. The most promising species were Calophyllum Apetalum (4.10% shikimic acid). All the 17 gymnosperms had detectable levels of shikimic acid with six species accumulating greater than 1%. Among these, Araucaria Excelsa yielding almost 5.02% of shikimic acid,” the scientists said.

They said that since so much of the acid is being used for industrial and pharmaceutical uses, it is imperative that newer sources of this chemical are identified. It is estimated that nearly two-thirds of the requirement of shikimic acid is being sourced from plants while the remaining one-third is obtained from genetically engineered E Coli.

The team added, “The leads presented here appear more promising than most others. In few of these species, the estimates are comparable to those reported from star anise. Because the estimates are from leaves, the sheer volume of the biomass offered by the leaves would render it economically feasible.

This finding of the new source of shikimic acid can potentially be used to meet the emerging needs of both the domestic and international markets.”

Union health ministry sources said, “Getting the raw material to make Tamiflu in India has been our biggest hurdle. At present, it is found only in China and Germany.” Tamiflu, the drug which blocks the replication of the flu virus, is presently being stockpiled by most countries as a precautionary measure in case of an outbreak of the bird flu among humans.

The price of shikimic acid has, therefore, skyrocketed. Pharma companies in India say the acid, which used to cost $40 a kg earlier, now costs around $1,000 per kg.

IPL vs Elections

By M H AHSSAN

Which of the two IPLs were you voting for? The Indian Premier League or the Indian Political League? In other words, were you for the general elections, even if it meant cancelling this year’s IPL, or would you have cast your ballot the other way round: never mind the polls, give first preference to cricket?

Following the attack on the Sri Lankan team in Lahore, high-profile cricket fixtures such as the IPL matches are seen as high-risk terror targets, requiring massive security bandobast. However, with the national elections scheduled for more or less the same timeframe as the IPL events, it was felt there weren’t enough security personnel to afford adequate arrangements for both the polls as well as the cricket.

This had put a gloomy question mark on IPL 2009, entailing an enormous loss of revenue for the cricketing fraternity, not to mention the chagrin of diehard fans who swear by the slogan that cricket is their birthright, and they shall have it, no matter what. The resultant contro-versy had virtually split the country into two: those whose first preference is the electoral process, and those who’d opt for IPL, even if it meant postponing the polls. When you boil it down, the bone of contention hinged around a single issue — which is more central to Indian democracy: elections or cricket?

Put that way, the proposition sounds absurd, a confirmation of the view that India is a literally cricket-crazy nation, with an emphasis on the word crazy. Obviously, in a democracy — any democracy — the political process as represented by polls is and has to be far more important to the scheme of things than a mere sport, even a sport that has achieved the status of a national passion. Such a truism, however, might not be as patently true as it might first seem.

It has been said that the great ongoing mela that is the Indian polity has come to be underwritten by three things: the holding of elections, Bollywood films and songs, and, last but not least, cricket — and it’s often difficult to say which of these three is the most compelling factor that helps keep us together. Which set of Indians has the most enthusiastic fan following today: Sonia Gandhi/L K Advani; Amitabh Bachchan/Shah Rukh Khan; Rahul Dravid/M S Dhoni? A moot point.

In aspirational and role-model terms, cricketers increasingly seem to cast a stronger spell on the public imagination than political netas certainly, and maybe even film stars. One of the main reasons for this could be that — more than elections, or rags-to-riches Bollywood fantasies — cricket has come to be identified as part and parcel of the continuing manthan, the great social churning of the Indian cauldron. The rise to stardom of rural or semi-rural lads from obscure backgrounds, youngsters like Virender Sehwag and the Pathan brothers, testifies to the increasing democratisation of what at one time used to be dismissed as an ‘elitist’ sport. Players such as Sehwag, the Pathan brothers, Dhoni himself, have emerged — to borrow a phrase from basketball — the real slam-dunk millionaires, inspirational heroes for both slum-dwellers and salon socialites.

Of course Indian cricket is plagued by its own politics, as everything else is in our country. But having said that, the game, in order to ensure spectator interest, not to mention megabuck sponsorships, has to be seen to bear the stamp of meritocracy. Electoral politics, on the other hand, is more and more being shown up to be dynastic and blatantly opportunistic, where merit counts for less than nothing and caste, connections and captive vote banks are everything.

The poll dates, of course, shall not be juggled around for the sake of IPL. But, equally, why juggle around the IPL for the polls? If security personnel are a problem, why not raise a special ‘blue helmet’ force for the purpose, inducted from IPL-represented countries. All volunteers welcome. Except maybe from Pakistan.

Goud’s NTP to merge with Chiru’s PRP

By M H Ahssan

Devender Goud May Seek Malkajgiri LS Ticket; To Fight On Prajarajyam Party Symbol

The eight-month-old Nava Telangana Party led by T Devender Goud is all set to merge with Chiranjeevi’s Prajarajyam party and a formal announcement is expected sometime next week before the poll notification is issued, NTP sources said.

While the official reason for the merger is said to be common ideology of the two parties—social justice and separate Telangana, the reality is that Goud has been finding it difficult to run the party as it had failed to create the kind of impact he expected before he quit TDP in June 23, 2008.

It may be mentioned here that before starting his own party Goud was a strong leader in TDP and from the position of ZP chairperson he rose to become virtually number two in TDP. He was also the revenue, panchayati raj and home minister during TDP regime under N Chandrababu Naidu. He was also the TDP deputy leader in the state assembly and used to share the seat of opposition leader in the assembly with Naidu.

While the TDP had constituted a committee to recommend the stand it should take on separate Telangana, Goud quit TDP alleging that it was anti-Telangana and floated his own outfit. But contrary to his expectations, except E Peddi Reddy, a former minister, no other leader went with him. Even the cadre did not desert TDP.

Since then, Goud had made several attempts to strike an alliance with TRS, PRP and even BJP. Now finally, Goud is said to have been assured by PRP leader Chiranjeevi that the party would include the promise of supporting separate Telangana in its manifesto. This was preceded by several rounds of talks between Chiranjeevi and Goud, NTP sources told HNN.

Once the merger is formalised, Goud is likely to get a key position in PRP and will contest polls on PRP symbol. Party sources say that Goud is keen to contest from Malkajgiri Lok Sabha constituency and jump to national politics. So far he has represented Medchal assembly constituency in Ranga Reddy district. Sources said he is likely to be named as in charge of party’s Telangana affairs committee.

CULTURE IN TELEANGANA

By M H Ahsan

Telangana is situated on the central stretch of the Indian Peninsula, most of it on the high Deccan Plateau between the Aryan North and Dravidian South. The earliest mention of this region is to be found in the Aitareyabrahmana. It figured subsequently in the Ramayana and Mahabharatha and in the Puranas. It became ”the region eminently suited for the fusion of the two cultures”.

The language of the people was Dravidian, called Telinga. The race and language had a glorious history that spans over 1000 years. The people had distinct style of their own in the fields of literature, music, dance, painting and sculpture. This culture acted as a bridge between the North and South. There were many Buddhist monasteries built in this region. though it belonged to Dravidian family of languages. They have more affinity in customs, traditions and social institutions of marriage and the like with that of Sanskrit.

By nature the Telugus are considered to be emotional people. They combined in themselves the intellectual agnosticism of the Tamils and the mystic quality of the Bengalis, said Sarojini Naidu. The former state of Hyderabad, for instance, presented a polyglot character consisting of the Telugu speaking Muslims constituting an influential minority. After the merger of the two regions in 1956, many people migrated into Telangana from Andhra districts, resulting in new social tensions.

As Myron Weiner puts it, migrations sometimes have de-stabilizing effects, arousing intense conflicts. There is a healthy mixture of Aryan and non-Aryan traditions and customs here. In this region, customs and practices of Dravidian and Sanskrit features are reflected. In marriages essentially the form is Vedic and many local customs found place. Tying of mangalasutra and pouring talambralu are specially Andhra customs. They are seen in the marriage descriptions of Tikkanas Virataparva and in Ranganadharamayana.

The most important thing is cross cousin marriage, which never had the sanction of the law makers (smritikaras). This is purely a Dravidian and local custom which had to be accepted or tolerated. There was a custom of singing auspicious songs during the time of marriages from the period of the Satavahanas. Married women in this region wear rings on their second toe. They used to apply turmeric to the body and to the face before taking bath. They used to wear saris. Men used to wear dhotis. Both men and women adorned themselves with ornaments. Men and women used to tattoo their bodies. This information is found Peddannas Varudhini.

Women used to sweep the front yards in the morning and decorate the ground with powders of different colors. We find the descriptions about the decoration in Nannayas Mahabharata and Kridabhirama. During the period of festivals like Sankranti these front yard decorations became more interesting.

There were a large variety of these decorations. Mango leaves were tied to the porches for any auspicious occasion. Women used to decorate themselves with flowers. Men also used to grow long hair. They used to consume betel leaf, which was called tamboolasevanam.

People here were fond of intoxicant liquors. They used to make their own liquors. They had varied names depending on the quality. A detailed description is found in Simhasanadwatrimsika that the people of Srinadha’s period lived a luxurious life. There were facilities for the supply of water to houses and fountains.

Their houses were decorated. There were drawings on the walls of their bedrooms. Women use to wear bangles. There were houses serving food that were called pootakulla illu. Rulers used to visit their paramours. Kreedabhirama and Krishnaraya’s Amuktamalyada contain many interesting pieces of information about the social life of the people.

The food of the Andhras needs special mention. Srinadha presents to us the variety of items served. Till Portuguese introduced chilly the people used pepper. They used strong spices to flavor their food. The mango pickle with mustard (aavakaya) is renowned in the entire country.

The entertainment of this region is also varied. There were many kinds of sports and games. These interesting names are known from Gadhasaptasati and Kamasutra of Vastayana. There were literary gatherings, drinking parties and courtesan visits. There were cockfights for entertainment. Young children used to play with ivory dolls. Kings used to go for hunting. Wrestling and boxing were also competitively entertaining. Many of these forms of entertainment are still exist.

Festivals: Festivals are celebrated with much fervor and people used to go to temples on these days to offer special prayers.Festivals are listed below.

Ugadi, Guru Purnima , Sri Rama Navami, Hanumajjayanti , Raakhi Pournami, Vinayaka Chaviti , Dusserah , Nagula Chaviti , Krishnashtami,Deepavali,Mukkoti Ekadasi ,Karthika Purnima , Subrahmanya Shashti ,Makara Sankranti and Ratha Saptami

Telanganites not only celebrate the main festivals, but also celebrate certain regional festivals like Bonalu in Hyderabad, Batakamma all over Telangana districts, Yedupayala Jatara in Medak , Sammakka Saralamma in Warangal district.

Other festivals are Nomulu Vrathalu Kedareswara Vratam , Madana Dwadasi Vratam, Vinayaka Vratam, Saraswati Vratam, Varalakshmi Vratam, Krishanshtami Vratam,Ananta Padmanabha Vratam, Margasira Lakshmi Varapu Nomu Katha,Polala Amavasya Vratam , Kumkuma Gowri Nomu,Sraavana Mangalavara Nomu Katha, and Karthika Deepala Nomu

RELIGION: The major religions of the people are Hinduism and Islam, though Buddhism was the dominant religion up to the 6th century. It is the home of Mahayana Buddhism as revealed by the monuments of Nagarjunakonda. Acharaya Nagarjuna presided over the World University at Sri Parvata. Hinduism was revived in the time of the Chalukyas and the Kakatiyas in the 12th century. The Vijayanagar rule saw the glorious days of Hinduism when the famed emperors, Krishnadeva Raya in particular, built new temples and beautified the old ones. Siva, Vishnu, Hanuman and Ganapati have been the popular Hindu Gods. The Vugra Narasimha swami Temple at Yadagirigutta and Thousand Pillar Temple at Warangal are among the oldest shrines in the state attracting people from different parts of the country for hundreds of years.

In terms of influence, Islam occupies the second place. It started spreading from the 14th century onwards. Mosques began to come up in many parts of the region during the Muslim rule. Christianity began to spread from 1701, Especially among the socially disabled people. Educational institutions and churches grew in number in the Circars in the 18th and 19 centuries when the East India Company and later the British government encouraged them. Other European countries were also active in building churches and taking care of the weaker sections of the people.

Hindus 88.75 % Muslims 8.47 % Christians 3.62 %

LANGUAGE: Telugu is the main language of the state, which was formed on the principle of one language-one state. Telugu, the second largest spoken language in India and it has a long history. While Tamil is the oldest among the Dravidian languages, Telugu has enjoyed a unique status because of “its melody and grace.” It has justly been called the “Italian of the East.” Dr.William Carey, who set up printing press in vernacular languages, published his Telugu grammar in 1812.A.D. Campbell prepared a Telugu-English dictionary. C.P.Brown’s contribution to the growth and development of Telugu is well known. He felt sad that Telugu classics were “in a deplorable state like those of Greek and Latin authors before the invention of printing.” He heralded the renaissance in Telugu literature through his monumental works. Carey, describing Telugu as the most polished among the five South Indian languages, namely Tamil, Kannada, Malayalam, Telugu and Sinhalese, observed that “its variety of inflection is such as to give it a capacity of expressing ideas, with a high degree of felicity, justness and elegance.” Campbell too lavished high praise on Telugu when he wrote in 1816: “Few languages will be found more copious, more nervous or more regular in constructions, and it may boast, in a peculiar manner, of great elegance of expression and melody of sound.” Caldwell, the “father of Dravidian languages”, gave it first place in point of “euphonic sweetness” and this view was supported by Henry Morris, who called Telugu the most musical of all Dravidian languages.

Quite recently the noted scientist J.B.S. Haldane expressed the view that Telugu could be a rival to Hindi in teaching science, medicine and engineering. Around the same tinie G.H. McLeod wrote that “Telugu is the northern-most memuer of the northern languages: and it has the advantages of both groups with few, if any, of the defects…. It has never suffered from narrow provincialism.”

Telugu is said to have grown out of a synthesis of the language of the native Dravidians and Sanskrit, the language of the colonizers, the Aryans. The influence of Sanskrit began in the 3rd century B.C. and since then the growth of the language is traced. The evolution of Telugu as it is understood now however took place in the 9th Century A.D. Enrichment of the language took place at regular intervals in the history. The names of Nannayya, Tikkana and Pothana are cherished in every home like those of Vemana and Thyagaraja of later periods. Veeresalingam, Gurazada, Viswanatha Satyanarayana and Sri Sri were prominent writers and poets of the last hundred years. The development of Telugu language and literature owes a great deal to the efforts of the Englishmen. Historians noted the “Asia-wide influence of Andhra art” and as a scholar summed up: “The people of this region especially Kakathiyas made a glorious contribution to the development of art and architecture .”

It must be remembered that Telugu varies from region to region in its expression. Here too the Telugu-speaking people proudly claim that the language spoken in their region is superior to that of the other regions. All the same, one unique aspect of Telugu is that it has never harboured, as McLeod pointed out, narrow provincialism. It interacted much with other languages and in Hyderabad city-and neighboring areas, Marathi, Urdu and Kannada have had much influence on the people. It is said that the Telugus’ spirit of tolerance is due largely to the mingling of different languages for several centuries. Urdu is the second most widely spoken language in the state. The majority of the Urdu-speaking people are confined to the twin cities and neighboring districts. Of the total population of Andhra Pradesh 87 percent have Telugu and 7.20 per cent Urdu as their mother tongue.

TELANGANA: A TALE OF UNMITIGATED MISERY

By M H Ahsan

The spectre of drought is a constant feature in Telangana especially. since no attempts have been made to fight it on a long term basis with the implementation of permanent anti-drought measures. The problem is made worse as irrigation is underdeveloped, there has been no industrialization nor has any skill development taken place in the region. The result is that a majority of the people, the poor and the landless are at the mercy of nature. Only a copious monsoon can assure them of at least three months of wages. Or else, they leave their hearths and homes and migrate to distant cities in search of livelihood.

Figures vary on the number of people migrating from the drought prone districts of Telangana: the more severe the problem the greater is the exodus from almost all areas of the state to the nearest urban conglomeration: from the North Telangana to Maharashtra from South to Hyderabad, and from West to Karnataka. According to estimates, during any year, the poorest and the driest district of Mahabubnagar sees the exodus of five lakh labourers, well-known through­out India for their hard work. Better known as “Palamur labour”, they have worked in every major project construction in India and yet they have remained half-fed, half-clothed, forced to live the life of nomads, going back to their native village not only to return to the old people they had left behind but to their soil to which they belong; A soil that remains dry most of the year, which does not provide them sustenance and yet to which they return year after year, season after agricultural season, with hope. According to estimates, as many as 12 lakh people have migrated out of Mahabubnagar in 1997 as monsoon failed.

Though the Indian Meteorological Department predicted an optimistic monsoon this year for the country, as far as Andhra Pradesh is concerned, the conditions are precarious. The onset of monsoon itself was delayed and even after onset, there were no widespread rains and drought conditions prevailed till the end of June. Only during the first week of July, there were rains, although the quantum received was low. Again, drought conditions prevailed during second and third weeks of July, rendering most of the rain fed crops unsown. There were long dry spells ranging from 15 to 18 days in almost all the agro-climatic zones of the State, which stunt crop and drastically reduce its growth.

The South-West monsoon normally sets in the first week of June in the State. But the monsoon in 1997 set in on June 12 and it was well below normal. The most affected region was Telangana with 45 per cent rainfall deficiency while overall deficiency for the State worked out to 38 per cent. The deficit in Coastal Andhra was 34 percent and in Rayalaseema 36 per cent.

The region-wise assessment of rainfall shows that North Telangana received 290 mm rainfall as against a normal of 472 mm as on August 6, 1997, a deficit of 39 percent. South Telangana was the most affected receiving only 201.5 mm rain­fall as against a normal of 350 mm, which was a deficit of 42 per cent. The deficit in North Coastal Andhra was 32 per cent, in South Coastal 37 percent, and in Rayalaseema 36 per cent.

Up to August 27, the State as a whole received 275 mm of rainfall against 441 mm of normal, a deficit of 38 per cent of normal. The districts of North Telangana received a deficit of 44 per cent. This region received 356 mm rainfall as against normal of 641 mm. South Telangana received 247 mm as against the normal of 459 mm with a deficit of 46 per cent. The region-wise split-up reveals that north coastal Andhra received 381 mm as against 488 mm of normal, a deficit of22 per cent. Similarly, South Coastal Andhra also received a rainfall of 190 mm as against the normal of 318 mm the deficit being 40 per cent (Table I). Rayalaseema region which receives a normal rainfall of 233 mm has received only 160 mm recording a deficit of 31 per cent. Revival of the south west mon­soon rains in mid-September did not do much to undo the damage since the crop was a total failure and could not be retrieved. To some extent the late rains filled up the water sources and recharged the groundwater but that was not enough.

The rain deficit in comparison to the normal annual rainfall showed that Telangana’s deficit was the highest with 45 per cent. The rain deficit in coastal Andhra districts was 30 per cent and in Rayalaseema 31 per cent, according to official estimates put out by the office of the Relief Commissioner. The rainfall deficit district-wise showed the deficit in Telangana districts ranged from 31 per cent in Khammam to 58 per cent in Mahabubnagar which was the worst affected (Table 2).

While the Union Agriculture Minister Chaturanan Mishra was taken on a whirlwind tour of the drought-affected areas in Mahabubnagar, Nalgonda and Rangareddy districts in the first week of September, the Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu assured the people that there won’t be any problems in the Krishna and Godavari delta regions but the upland areas would need attention. He did not utter a Word on the trauma being undergone by the people in Telangana. He undertook an aerial tour of Karimmigar in the second week of September and said that the state was in the grip of “severe drought”. It was not until September 13 when he announced that 755 mandals out of 1,110 mandals in the state that Naidu spoke of the drought situation in Telangana.

An analysis of the government’s figures on the number of mandals affected by drought as determined by the new norms laid down by the revised drought manual shows that 84.5 per cent of mandals in Rayalaseema were drought-hit; 76 per cent in Telangana and 59 per cent in coastal Andhra (Srikakulam district not included as the statistics were not available).

The government admitted that about 250 mandals were reeling under severe drought conditions with a majority of them being in Telangana but the govern­ment did not declare the areas drought-hit which would automatically devolve several benefit to the affected people in terms of employment, subsidized food grains and odder, postponement of loan and tax collections.

According to official figures, about 755 mandals out of 1110 in the state faced severe drought conditions. Six out of23 districts have received less than 50 per cent of the normal rainfall. In others, rainfall varies between 40-60 per cent but in view of the late onset of monsoon this year, the damage to crops even in districts which received normal rainfall is expected to be considerable in view of long spells of dry weather after the start of agricultural operations in the wake of monsoon rains.

Initial reports of the situation in the entire state said that against 8.16 lakh hectares of area under paddy during the previous kharif season, only 6.20 lakh hectares could be brought under the crop in 1997 kharif. In most of the areas, transplantations were delayed. Under dry crops, only 28.85 lakh hectares were sown this season, as against 47.34 lakh hectares during the previous season. According to Official statistics, agricultural production in the state is likely to come down by 25 per cent on account of adverse seasonal conditions. Paddy trans­plantation was completed only in 9.30 lakh hectares of land as against 28 lakh hectares. The average was 36 per cent of the normal area for paddy, 65 per cent for pulses, 50 per cent for dry crops and 36 per cent for oilseeds. Groundnut crop was taken up in 6.53 lakh hectares as against the normal area of 11.88 lakh hectares.

According to statistics, the total dry crops coverage in the State stood at 21 lakh hectares as against a normal area of 53 lakh hectares. The corresponding figure of dry crops for 1996 was 37 lakh hectares, which means that an extent 16 lakh hectares was not covered. Most of the dry crops are grown in Telangana Minor irrigation sources such as tanks and wells have dried up due to scanty rainfall and there has been no transplantation of paddy in areas irrigated by minor irrigation sources that which are mostly in Telangana.

While there is quibbling among officials as to when a drought should be declared and what criteria to follow, the most reliable indicators are the pee themselves. Among the people-oriented indicators of drought are: mass migra1 of people, widespread distress sale of cattle, and increased dacoities which attributed to near-famine conditions prevailing leading to unemployment and he the people driven to desperation. Even under normal conditions at least five I agricultural laborers migrate to other areas from the drought-prone Mahabubnagar district which is-the poorest and most backward, during the off-season in search of work. In 1997 it is estimated that 12 lakh persons have migrated.

For a more deeper perspective and the extent of the suffering of the people is necessary to study district-wise the overall picture of the drought.

Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar district received only 220 mm rainfall against the normal 432­mm up to August end. Almost all crops withered away with 654 irrigation sour received no water. An estimated 5000 bore wells and about 80,000 irrigation WI dried up. Due to shortage of fodder thousands of cattle were sent off to slaughter houses. In certain areas drinking water was available once in five days and Jadcherla town it was supplied once in 10 days. “Drought pensions” were sanctioned to 10,000 persons by the government in the district while scores of villages turned into ghost habitations with all able bodied persons migrating to distant cities with their young ones leaving behind the old who could not travel.

Mahabubnagar district bore the brunt of drought this year, with agricult1 alone reporting crop loss of Rs 400 crores. The district Collector sent several reports on the alarming situation in the district. Against 9.15 lakh hectares of la taken up for cultivation during kharif season, only 4.45 lakh hectares were taken up this year. Out of the cultivated area of 4.45 hectares, crops in 3.75 hectares were damaged due to scanty rainfall. Normally paddy is cultivated in 1.24 lakh hectares in the district, but this time it was cultivated only 38,304hectares,out of which the crop in 26,m hectares got damaged. As against normal area 2.71 hectares, jowar was sown in 1.37 hectares out of which the .crop in 1.27 lakh hectares got damaged. Similarly, castor was grown in 47,087 hectares as against the normal area of 1.37 lakh hectares and the crop in, 38.247 hectares was damaged due to continuing dry spell. Cotton is normally grown in 79,928 hectare, but this time it was sown in only 49,977 hectares.

Not many efforts were made to change the situation of almost continuous drought in Mahabubnagar district. This district receives one of the scantiest rain­fall and yet whenever drought situation has arisen some temporary measures are adopted but no long-term programmes implemented to reverse the drought condi­tions nor efforts were made to mitigate them through the well-known measures such as watershed development, and harnessing rain water run-off. According to a study, the district uses only five per cent of the rain water for irrigation and drink­ing purposes while the rest flows unutilized into Krishna and Tungabhadra rivers.

Sheer neglect has marked the planning by irrigation department. Several major and medium irrigation projects planned for mitigating the drought conditions have remained on paper. For instance, the Priyadarshini Jurala project, Bhima first and second phases, Nettempadu, Koilsagar, Peddamarur and Kalwakurthy lift irrigation schemes which were expected to irrigate 4.5 lakh hectares apart from providing protected water supply to hundreds of habitations have not been taken up. Successive governments have shown little concern or sympathy with the people of Mahabubnagar.

Medak
Fodder scarcity has become a major problem in Medak as inadequate rains have prevented farmers from growing fodder and barren grasslands have affected cattle and sheep in this district with one of the highest cattle population.

Warangal
According to experts, drought conditions have been spreading to several non ­drought areas in Warangal. Failure of rains for the past six years in parts of Warangal has forced fanners to leave their land fallow which is increasing monsoon after failed monsoon. All the 50 mandals in the district were severely affected. The water level in minor irrigation sources like Parkal and Ramappa lakes and Salivagu project is much below the normal with Lakkavaram Lake and Malluruvagu project recording zero level till July 15. Lakkavaram and Parkal lakes have almost dried up with little in flows into them. It is feared that the groundwater resources would be threatened if such dry conditions continue. In agriculture, paddy transplanta­tion was possble in only 15,000 ha as against the normal area of 1.03 lakh ha. Jowar, greengram, groundnut and cotton crops in thousands of hectares of land were affected by the drought.

The Warangal Collector reported that all the 51 mandals in the district were drought-hit. About 46 per cent of shortfall in rain during the South West monsoon had left 56 per cent of the normal sown area to be left fallow causing a crop loss of Rs 276.95 crores. In real terms, two lakh hectares were left fallow out of the normal 3.53 lakh hectares sown. Out of 1.53 lakh hectares sown in 1997 kharif lack of rains had damaged crops over 38,000 hectares. Special arrangement were made to transport fodder from Palampet to Jangaon, the worst affected revenue division in the district.

Nalgonda
The district faced this kind of drought for the first time in 12 years. The most affected district after Mahabubnagar was Nalgonda. With the exception of only two mandals out of 59 in the district all the mandals have been affected by drought. Only five mandals received normal rainfall. More than half of the villages faced severe shortage of drinking water. All tanks dried up, and with the groundwater level receding, more than half of bore wells too dried up. Crops were raised in only half of the total cultivable area and there was acute scarcity of fodder. Milk collection in the district fell by 15 lakh litres daily due to the monsoon failure and fodder scarcity.

Nalgonda threatened to turn into a desert as land cracked for lack of rain, tanks and small irrigation sources dried up, emaciated cattle were drive to Hyderabad’s slaughter houses and mass exodus of people began. Newspapers reported that in Mallepally village in the drought-hit Deverakonda Assembly constituency of the district, Mallaiah, a marginal farmer of Peddadisarlapally village was taking home an emaciated cow along with its calf which he bought for a throwaway price of Rs 1800. In normal times this pair would have cost Rs 3600. Many farmers, unable to grow fodder, sold away their bulls and buffaloes for a paltry Rs 1500 or Rs 2000. With even dry crops like bajra, jowar and groundnut not sown, there was no possibility of farmers being left with fodder for their cattle. Local farmers said most of the cattle were being sold to contractors of various slaughter houses in the twin cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad. Although this was a regular phenomenon, the sale of cattle for slaughter was more pronounced due to drought this year. The district’s cattle population is 15 lakh but the fodder stock was sufficient for only three lakh heads of cattle.

In 24 out of the 59 mandals in the district, the rainfall was less than 60 per cent in 30 mandals, it was 26 per cent to 30 per cent less in five mandals and 5 per cent less in five mandals. There are 549 small irrigation sources in the district, out of which only 124 tanks received water for irrigation. In the rainfed areas, crops on 7.35 lakh acres are sown in normal years in the district, but only four lakh acres were sown in 1997 due to inadequate rains. With fields drying up in 21 out of 59 mandals there was a drastic fall in paddy cultivation in 1997. Paddy was transplanted in 28,660 hectares of land as against the normal cultivation of 1.39 lakh hectares. Only 19 per cent transplantation could be completed. In the rainfed area, 57 per cent transplantation was completed but with long spells of drought the yield is expected to be low. The Nalgonda district agricultural authorities have estimated that the loss of crop production due to the drought is about 1.23 lakh tonnes valued at Rs 7,333 lakh. .

Dry crops under rain-fed area were planted in only 1.83 lakh hectares as. against the normal cultivation of 2.92 lakh hectares.

Nizamabad
Out of 36 mandals in the district as many as 31 have been declared drought hit. Severe drought combined with irregular and low quality power supply saw the farmers of this district attack electricity sub stations and the staff. They were frustrated that due to lack of power they were unable to use whatever water there was in their borewells to save their crops. There has been only 40 per cent of the normal rainfall in the district resulting in the drying up of 1600-odd minor irrigation tanks in the district. The medium irrigation projects like Ramadugu and Pocharam were nearly dry. The command area crops have been affected as the Nizamsagar dam level reached its lowest level in several years.

Karimnagar
This district was the only “fortunate” one in Telangana which was visited by the Chief Minister to study the drought situation in mid-September when the drought was clear to everyone. For the first time since Sriramsagar Dam was constructed in 1970 it dried up in August leaving no water even for fish which died in hun­dreds and thousands. According to government officials, fish worth Rs one lakh died for lack of water. The dam had dried up in 1987 but that was in summer. For the first time it dried up during monsoon.

The State government took its own time to come out with a realistic plan of action to tackle the serious drought situation and the drying up of the Sriramsagar reservoir which threatened paddy crop over severallakh hectares. Although the drought conditions were obvious in late July itself as rains had totally failed, the government waited until September 13 to declare formally the district as “drought hit.” 25 out of 56 mandals were declared as “drought-hit.”

Revenue minister T Devender Goud has gone on record saying in August ­end that 274 mandals had been identified as having abysmally low rainfall, but he did not dec1!’ire them as “drought-hit”. Relief measures continued to elude these regions reeling under drought. Once a district is declared drought-affected, the government has to waive interest on all agriculture loans and reschedule their recovery, give 25 per cent subsidy on seeds and fertilizers and take up on war-footing relief measures such as digging of bore wells, provision of drinking water and supply of fodder for the cattle.

As many as 37 out of 46 revenue mandals experienced drought in Khammam while major and minor irrigation tanks got minimal inflows. The crop area fell by about 50 per cent in as many as nine of the 46 mandals in the district where the scarcity conditions are acute. The agriculture under the minor irrigation sources, which could not receive sufficient water so far this year, has been affected. About 40,000 hectares of agriculture land lay barren in the absence of sufficient rains. Minor and lift irrigation schemes irrigate an ayacut of about two lakh hectare in the district. There are 382 such schemes, which come under the minor irrigation department. Besides, 300 small tanks irrigate a considerable area. Tanks irrigation an area of 70,000 hectares, canals 65,000 hectares, bore wells 5000 hectares and lift irrigation schemes irrigate 3000 hectares. As many as 43 of the total 46 mandals received low rainfall, of which 29 mandals registered less than 50 per cent of the normal rainfall. Ten mandals got rainfall ranging from 30 per cent to 50 per cent and two mandals as low as 20 per cent to 30 per cent during the current Kharif season. Wazed, Venkatapuram, Charla, Dummugudem, Aswaraopet, Vemsoor, Kallur, Mudigonaa Pinapaka, Manugur, Kunavaram and Konijerla are the worst affected mandals.

Although agricultural operations did not begin and migration had started in full earnest by August end, the government failed to instruct the districts to launch drought relief measures. Official figures of rainfall told the tragic tale: 30 per cent deficit in rainfall all over the state (as on August 31); the situation was worse in

Telangana, with 45 per cent deficit in rainfall until then. The Agriculture Department had submitted a detailed report on the agricultural situation but no action was taken as the Chief Minister was busy with other things. Similarly, the Revenue Department did not react to reports from the various drought-affected districts with the result that no planned, coordinated, substantial drought relief measures were undertaken till the middle of September. By then a large number of cattle were led to slaughterhouses and villages emptied of peop1e as they migrated to urban areas looking for a livelihood. A major problem in Telangana during drought is the scarcity of fodder. Several districts have a huge cattle population which is difficult to sustain in such times. Till August end the government had released only Rs 34.40 lakh to supply the fodder as against the Animal Husbandry department recomm_ndation for the release of Rs 5.37 crore for one month which itself is an underestimated figure. At this rate each drought hit mandal would get barely a lorry load of fodder a day.

As a result of the failure of the monsoon in Telangana, a very small fraction of land sown during normal monsoons could be cultivated. Out of a normal sowr area of 26 lakh acres under dry crop in the region, only 5.3 lakh acres were sown; ‘and as against 3.5 lakh acres under agricultural pump sets, a mere 58,000 acres were brough_ uhder (tultivation. That is, about 80 per cent of the normal sown area under dry crpps and 85 per cent of area under pump sets could not be cultivated in Telangana.

Inflow into the Sriramsagar (SRSP) Project across the Godavari river were the lowest in its history (Table 5). In the absence of water releases into SRSP canals, paddy crop in seven lakh acres in four districts, including five lakh acres in Karimnagar district alone, was endangered. The catchment areas of Godavari were receiving rain but the water was being impounded by the Jaikwadi dam, upstream of SRSP. While the state government made a big row about the construc­tion of Almatti dam in Karnataka and every now and then makes issue over low levels ofwater released from Tungabhadra and other project ,upstream on Krishna river in Kamataka, it has not raised the Jaikwadi issue with the government of Maharashtra It could not persuade Maharashtra to release 20 tmc ft of water from Jaikwadi project on upstream Godavari into SRSP which could have saved the crops. Acconding to estimates, farmers had invested at least Rs 2000 an acre for preparing the fields and for transplanting paddy. The estimated loss of paddy crop, at the rate of 20 quintals an acre, would be nearly Rs 500 crores.

The Major Irrigation Minister explained that Maharashtra had not agreed to the proposal since Maharashtra too was facing acute water shortage due to failure of rains. There was only 35 tmc water in the project as against its full capacity of 120 tmc. He said even if the Maharashtra counterpart released 10 tmc water, it would take more than 20 days to traverse 320 km to reach the Sriramsagar project in Andhra Pradesh. Besides evaporation and transmission losses, more than three tmc water wquld get stagnated at the barrages en route. The government explored no alternative(s; if a similar situation arose in either Coastal Andhra or Rayalaseema, it would have been under great pressure to act, to pay compensation and reduce distress of the people.

The Anjdhra Pradesh Government has replaced the old Drought Manual of 1981, which, was based on the outdated Famine Code of 1950, with a new one prepared by fl, committee headed by Mr. A V S Reddy, a senior IAS officer. The new manual based on the principle of relativity and therefore, is fair, scientific and objective. It has removed all the discretionary powers of the District Collectors in assessing the drought situation and instead made certain physical parameters, such as rainfall, mandatory for declaring ail area as drought-hit.

The new manual says, deficit rainfall in any two of the three other conditions­ sown area to be less than 50 per cent, crop yield less than 40 per cent, and continued dry spell-were compulsory for declaring a mandai drought-hit which would pave the way for state intervention to save the situation by automatically postponing collection of arrears of land revenue, loans, drainage cess, special land tax, rescheduling of agricultural loans and granting of fresh crop loans.

While the old manual merely stated “significant deficiency in normal rainfall as the criterion, the new one scientifically categories the mandals into three, categories; those receiving an annual rainfall of less than 750 mm, those received 750 mm to 1000 mm, and those with more than 1000 mm rainfall. The manual stipulates that the 15 per cent deficiency will suffice to declare the first category mandal as drought-hit, because “a little deficiency in them will have more, pronounced effect”.

For the second category the deficit recommended is 20 per cent, and the third 25 per cent. Without assigning relative significance of the rainfall received in different areas depending on the type of soils, the old manual described “rainy day” as one giving 2.5 mm of rainfall.

The new manual, on the other hand, fixed 2.5 mm for black cotton soils as these types of land have more retentivity-absorbing capacity and 5 mm for red soils which allow run-off instead of absorbing. If any mandal receives lees than the specified quantum during the season, the day will be treated as forming part of dry spell.

For declaring a mandal as drought-hit, compression in cropped area by 50 per cent and above for all principal crops including paddy is being observed as the norm. The area is to be declared “affected” if it reports reduction in crop yields of 50 per cent and above in respect of major crops, and 40 per cent for high input oriented crops, groundnut, Bengal gram, hybrid sunflower.

The A V S Reddy Committee stipulates that the government should use any part of the Calamity Relief Fund for permanent works as this particular fund was constituted to deal with emergency and extraordinary situations. It also permits flow from the fund to the dove-tailed programme.

It also stipulates that one-third of a landholding should be earmarked for growing fodder and for this legislation should be enacted. The committee also recommends use of techniques available with the National Remote Sensing Agency and the Andhra Pradesh satellite research application center. Their “vegetative index” can be guidance to an impending drought.

It is estimated that the season of monsoon activity in the state will have 50 to 75 days. The state is served by both the south-west monsoon active during June to September, and the north-east monsoon active in October-December. The state receives an average rainfall 600 mm during the south-west monsoon, and 200 mm out of the north-east monsoon.

In 1997 while the state was to receive 441 mm of normal rainfall by August end, it could get only 275 mm. Kharif operations have been limited to 50.34 lakh hectares compared to the normal area of 81.67 lakh hectares. The situation in Mahabubnagar and Prakasam districts was alarming with migration of agriculture labour, lack of fodder resulting in the distress sale of cattle and general fall in the purchasing power of the people.

If we were to consider the governmental concern, generosity and the prot­ness that attends on any calamity in a region other than in Telangana, the case of Telangana would be obvious. For instance, in the summer of 1997 widespread shortage 01 power and low voltage in Telangana burnt out hundreds motors of agricultural pump sets and crops withered away. Unable to bear the losses caused by crops least a couple of farmers committed suicide. Farmers became violent, attacked AP State Electricity Board staff, and even raided neighboring villages to get their share of power. All that the government did in the face of this tragedy was to say that the farmers were being instigated by naxalites. And yet when farmers in East Godavari protesting against increased water and power tariffs were caned by the police and one died, there was such a political uproar that not only the Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu apologized for the police action but gave a huge compensation to the farmers who suffered at the hands of the police.

Similarly, in the name of mitigating cyclones and the havoc wreaked by them, hundreds of crores of rupees have been spent in the coastal areas; international funding agencies help was taken, the Central government funds used and volun­tary agencies encouraged to work in the area. While admittedly severe cyclone devastates huge pockets, the damage wreaked by drought, the suffering caused to the people the dislocation suffered by them, and the setback they face is no less than the victims of cyclones. The tragedy of the drought victims is even more horrifying because they are the poorest of the poor; the nature’s vagary makes them poorer. Yet neither the government, nor any NGO, nor the generosity of an international donor has reached them with help other than token help. In fact, an allegation that has gained widespread currency and credibility, given the history of in jus tic I meted out to Telangana, is that the government has held back drought relief programmes for mitigating the people’s suffering because it wanted to con­serve the funds under the centrally-funded Calamity Relief fund to meet emer­gency needs should a cyclone hit the coastal areas during the north-east monsoon from October to December.

It is high time that the government gave serious thought to fight the drought conditions in Telangana. Long-term measures need to be taken to create irrigation potential, improve the region’s ecology, and harness the scanty rainfall. The drought of Telangana is as much a handiwork of nature as of the government’s callous. neglect for over four decades. Nature has been generous to Telangana, endowing it with two major rivers, many lakes and rich groundwater resources. Not so the succession of governments headed by politicians from coastal Andhra, and run by bureaucrats from coastal Andhra. For them, Telangana has become a colony – to be used, exploited, and kept under-developed to serve their needs.

Telangana Politics

By M H Ahsan

Political parties provide the dynamics of political mechanism. Sigmund Neumann has described the general role of political parties as “the life line of modern politics”. It is no doubt that “political parties are not of the government, they are below or behind it”. The voice of the state today is not so much the voice of the people as that of the dominant institutions, economic progress and social morality are all dependant on the political parties in a state so the word “politics” has come to mean “part politics”.

Andhra Pradesh was described as the citadel of the Congress. After its formation as a separate state, the Congress party had an unbroken record of ruling it. In the early years after the formation of A.P. state, the Communist party had posed a challenge to congress. Today it hardly possesses the necessary strength in the legislature to form even a strong opposition. Still its importance in politics cannot be ignored. Political parties like Praja Socialist Party and Swatanthra Party, which made a mark in national politics, created some sensation in Andhra Pradesh. Also the emergence of Janatha Party in 1977 had its impact on all political parties in the state and several prominent leaders in the Congress and other parties joined it.

The political parties which deserve a mention are The Congress(I), The Communist Parties, Swatanthra, The Jana Sangh, Bharathiya Janatha Party, Telugu Desam Party, NCP, Socialist Parties like KMPP, PSP and SP and state level parties like PP,KLP,TPS and Majlis. The ruling of state by the Congress came to an end with the emergence of TDP in the year 1983.

Another significant feature of A.P politics is the absence of a regional issue strong enough to enable a powerful regional party to come into existence. In A.P when a sub-regional issue, namely, safe guards for Telangana came to the forefront, The Telangana Praja Samithi(TPS) came into existence. It is a typical example of a regional party, which can thrive whipping up popular emotions on regional and sub-regional issues. Its activities were confined to Telangana only. The TPS had no ephemeral existence. It secured a sweeping success in the Loksabha elections in 1971. However, shortly afterwards the TPS was merged in the Congress Party. Later in the recent past Telangana Rastra Samithi came into existence with regards to the safeguard of Telangana people with a separate Telangana statehood.

Elections in a democracy have great significance for they act, not merely as indicators of public opinion but also contribute to its evolution as a political system. Elections conducted under adult suffrage are “an act of faith in the common man of India and in his practical commonsense”. Elections have a threefold importance. They influence the policies of government, the organization of parties and opinion of the citizens. Since formation of Andhra Pradesh in 1956, there have been 11 general elections to the state Assembly and 13 general elections to the Lok Sabha.

In 1955, elections were held to the Legislative Assembly of the newly formed state of Andhra. The united Congress Party swept the polls. The Communist Party was routed and Congress emerged as a dominant Party.

In 1957, the second general elections were held for the Legislative Assembly and were restricted to Telangana region. For election to the Legislative Assembly in the Andhra region had been held in 1955. The Congress swept the polls.

Third general elections held in the year 1962 were the first general elections held in the whole of Andhra Pradesh for electing 300 representatives to the state Legislative Assembly. Congress swept the polls by getting 177 seats out of 300 contested.

Fourth general elections held in the year 1967 for the state Legislative Assembly. Result was, Congress swept the polls by getting 165 seats.

Fifth general elections were held in the year 1972 because of the mid term polls for Loksabha. Significance of 1972 elections was 137 conetstants from Congress were from SC, ST and Minorities communities. Result was, Congress swept the polls by winning 219 seats of 287 contested.

Sixth general elections to the Legislative Assembly were held in the year 1977. Congress swept the polls irrespective of the split in Congress party.

Seventh general elections to the state Legislative Assembly were held in the year 1983 and it marked the end of Congress era. The Telugu Desam Party emerged as winner with 198 seats out of 287 contested. Congress just won 60 out of 293 seats contested.

Eight general elections to the state legislative Assembly were held in the year 1985.TDP had an alliance with like-minded parties like BJP, CPI, CPM, and Majlis. The TDP swept the polls.

Ninth general elections to the Legislative Assembly of A.P. were held in the year 1989. Congress threw out the TDP, with Congress winning 182 seats while TDP won 74 seats.

Tenth general election to the Legislative Assembly of A.P. were held in the year 1994.TDP threw out Congress out of power, with TDP winning 2/3 majority along with Communist Parties.

Eleventh general elections to the Legislative Assembly of A.P. were held in the year 1999. TDP retained the power in spite of the internal crisis in TDP Party. But congress slightly improved its tally and reached three-figure mark. This eleventh assembly was dissolved in Dec’ 2003 and Elections are declared in second week of April ‘2004.

THE TELANGANA AGITATION

By M H Ahsan

The Telangana agitation started in the first week of January 1969 in Khammam when students demanded the implementation of the Telangana safeguards enumerated in the Gentlemen’s Agreement. It soon spread to different parts of Telangana. The students got divided into two groups: one demanding the implementation of safeguards and the other demanding a separate Telangana state.

Non-Gazetted Officers threatened direct action on January 11, 1969, if their demands were not met. At the outbreak of the agitation, the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh called for an All-Party Meeting and announced that there was a perfect unanimity among the leaders to ‘achieve full integration of Andhra Pradesh State.

Two issues were discussed and agreed upon:

1) The appointment of a senior civil service officer to decide the question of Telangana surpluses

2) Relieving of all domicile persons from Telangana posts and providing jobs for them in the Andhra region.

Following the All-Party Accord of January 1969, the State Government issued orders for the transfer of non-domicile public employees from Telangana. The Government order on these transfers was the Public Employment Act of 1957. The rules were challenged by Andhra employees in the Andhra Pradesh High Court. The High Court struck down the Public Employment Act and the Rules. The Government appealed to the division bench of the High Court.

A few other Andhra employees led by A.V.S. Narasimha Rao filed a separate writ petition in the Supreme Court on February 4, 1969, challenging the validity of the Government Order and also the Public Employment Act of 1957 and the Rules. The Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court gave its judgement on March 28 quashing the Government Order.

As a follow-up measure of the All-Party accord, the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh arranged for the accounting of Telangana surplus funds. Kumar Lalith, Deputy Comptroller and Auditor General, assessed the surplus funds as Rs.34.10 crores.

The Telangana agitation continued in the meantime. In the beginning it was leaderless. Madan Mohan, a lawyer, formed a forum known as the Telangana Praja Samithi (TPS) in February 1969. Chenna Reddy was sympathetic to these leaders. Violence increased. Firing was often employed to disperse violent crowds. The TPS organized conventions in many towns across Telangana and soon got strengthened. Chenna Reddy came out openly in support of a separate Telangana and K.V. Ranga Reddy gave his blessings to the movement. Law and order continued to deteriorate.

The Prime Minister Indira Gandhi discussed the problem with leaders of the Opposition in Parliament on April 9,1969. Except for the Swatantra Party all others did not support a separate state. The Prime Minister Indira Gandhi rejected the demand for the ouster of Kasu Brahmananda Reddy from the leadership of the Andhra Pradesh Congress.

The Prime Minister announced an Eight-Point Formula on April 11,1969 to ensure the development of Telangana. In consonance with this formula, the Centre appointed two committees:

1. Committee of Jurists under former Justice K.N. Wanchoo to suggest measures to provide constitutional safeguards for the Telangana people in the matter of public employment

2. Committee under Justice Bhargava to assess the revenue surpluses of Telangana.

In spite of these measures the agitation mounted and grew in intensity. Bandhs, hartals and processions were very frequent. Demand for a separate state became the central theme of the agitation.

The Prime Minister visited Hyderabad on June 4, 1969. She met leaders of different groups and political parties. Subsequently, then Union Home Minister, Y. B. Chavan, also visited Hyderabad to have discussions. Consensus reached on two things:

(1) The dismissal of Brahmananda Reddy’s ministry.

(2) Proclamation of Presidential rule in Andhra Pradesh.

Realizing that the agitation was very strongly motivated, particularly about the dismissal of his government, Brahmananda Reddy tendered his resignation on June 27. The Congress leadership sent Congress President Nijalingappa and a senior member Kamaraj Nadar, to seek the verdict of the State Legislature Party. The Congress Legislature Party affirmed its support to Kasu Brahmananda Reddy and suggested that he should continue until normalcy was restored and a peaceful changeover should be opted, giving the leadership to someone from Telangana.

The Telangana leaders felt that agitation politics alone would not be sufficient to dethrone Brahmananda Reddy. This realization made the TPS enter into the electoral politics. It won a by-election in June 1970, defeating the Congress (R). By this time, the Congress had already split at the national level and the TPS supported the leadership of Indira Gandhi. Brahmananda Reddy also supported her.

In the December of 1970, Indira Gandhi dissolved the Lok Sabha and announced a mid-term poll. The TPS eventually contested all the 14 seats to Parliament from Telangana and won 10 out of them. In spite of her overwhelming majority in the Lok Sabha, Indira Gandhi did not give any leverage to the TPS which opted for a compromise in September 1971 and merged with the Congress (R). The deal involved:

1. Continuation of Mulki Rules;

2. Separate budget and accounts for Telangana

3. Separate Pradesh Congress Committee for Telangana

4.Resignation of Brahmananda Reddy in favor of a Chief Minister from Telangana.

The Telangana agitation did not achieve its important goal of a separate state, but secured assurance of safeguards for the region. Its achievement was quite significant. It wrested for the first time the Chief Ministership from the politically dominant Andhras. However, the new Chief Minister, P.V. Narasimha Rao (former Education Minister in the State Cabinet) was an integrationist and politically a light weight in the Reddy dominated Telangana politics. Ten portfolios in his ministry went to Telangana, three of them belonging to the erstwhile TPS.

FREEEDOM STRUGGLE IN TELANGANA

By M H Ahsan

The role of the Telangana in the Freedom Struggle was significant and they had always been in the forefront along with the rest of the country. The first rebellion for Independence in 1857 did not affect the state of affairs in the south, though ripples were felt in the State of Hyderabad.But British suppressed the rebellions led by Rohilla and Arab soldiers and the Gonds in the Adilabad district under the leadership of Ramji Gond in 1860.

There were occasional rebellions of the peasants here and there, brought out by their dissatisfaction to the forefront. Agriculture became the mainstay of the people, as the cottage industries dwindled due to the deliberate policy of the Government to encourage British industries at the expense of the indigenous ones. The construction of dams across the Godavari and the Krishna in 1852 and 1855 respectively resulted in increasing agricultural production. The emergence of the strong, educated, and confident but dissatisfied middle class seeking equality with the white ruler was seen in the beginning of the twentieth century.

In 1920, when Mahatma Gandhi started non-co-operation movement, it had an immediate response in Telangana. Many lawyers gave up their lucrative practice and many students gave up their studies. In November 1921, the Congress gave permission to the Provincial Committee to start Civil Disobedience, if the conditions laid down by Mahatma Gandhi were fulfilled.

The next episode was the Forest Satyagraha of the ryots. The peasants had to pay heavy tax for permission to graze their cattle in forests. When the crops failed, they decided to send their cattle into the forests. They took the cattle forcibly, confined them in cattle-pounds and refused to free them unless the fee was paid. There was a clash between the cattle owners and the armed police. Gandhiji called off the Non Co-operation Movement due to some untoward incidents.

In 1930, Mahatma Gandhi started his salt-campaign. Telangana region became the venue of memorable deeds of many a young man and woman. The thirties saw the emergence of leftist organizations, which gave a fillip to the progressive trends. The arrest of the leaders in 1942 provoked the masses. The message of the National Congress inspired the people, and they brought the functioning of the Government to a stand still for a few days. Many young students and workers faced the bullets cheerfully.

History of Telangana

By M H Ahsan

Telangana region has been ruled by many great dynasties like Sathavahanas, Chalukyas, Kakatiyas, Mughals, Qutubshahis, asafjahis. Of which the Kakathiyas impressions on architecture are found more in these days too. Sathavahanas ruled over the Telangana for about 400 years from the 2nd century B.C. to beyond the 2nd century A.D. Sathavahanas were also called Salivahanas and Satakarnis. In the 3rd century B.C., Simukha, the founder of the Sathavahana dynasty, unified the various Andhra principalities into one kingdom and became its ruler (271 B.C. — 248 B.C.).Satakarni II, the sixth ruler of the dynasty (184 B.C.) was an able ruler who extended his kingdom to the west. He ruled for a period of 56 years. Pulumavi I has brought renewed strength and glory to their kingdom. The only silver lining in this dynasty was the excellent literary work, Gathasaptasati, of Hala, the 17th Satavahana king. Dharmapuri in Karimnagar was the capital city for many years.

Among Kakathiyas , Prataparudra, grandson of Rudramamba was great ruler who succeeded his grandmother in A.D.1295 and ruled till A.D.1323. He pushed the western border of his kingdom up to Raichur. He introduced many administrative reforms. He divided the kingdom into 75 Nayakships, which was later adopted and developed by the Vijayanagara Rayas.

During the reign of Bahamani sultan Mohd Shah III, one sultan Quli Qutub, who was born at Hamadan in Persia, came to Deccan and started his career as a bodyguard of Mohd Shah. With his ability and courage he rose from one position to another till he became the Governor of Telangana, the eastren province of Bahmani kingdom.

When the Bahamani sultanate became weak, Quli Qutub became independent and formed his Qutubshahi Dynasty in 1518. From then, he devoted most of his energies in extending his frontiers of his kingdom. He took possession of part of Berar in the north, Rajkonda, Deverkonda, Gahanpura, Kovilakonda and Panagal thus brought much of Telugu speaking areas in to his possession. He defeated Sitapati of Bhogikala, and captured Bellamkonda, Indrakonda, Khammam, Warangal etc. in 1543 Jamsheed assassinated Quli Qutub.

The Golkonda fort was built by Quliqutub. His son Jamsheed became the King who was succeeded by his brother Ibrahim in 1550 .During his reign, trade and commerce flourished enormously. Telangana, like Egypt, became the Mart of the whole world. Merchants from Turkistan, Arabia and Persia used to frequent Telangana and found their trade attractive and prosperous. In his reign two tanks namely Ibrahim Pantam tank and Hussainsagar were built. He also built a bridge on river Musi, which is known as Puranapul. The Hindus of Telangana remember him for his patronage of Telugu literature. Many Telugu poets like Addanki Gangadher Kavi, Panuganti Telanganarya, Kandukuri Rudra Kavi flourished in his court. He gained goodwill among his Hindu subjects. He died in 1580, and was succeeded by his son Quli Qutub Shah.

Qutubshah shifted his capital from Golkonda to Hyderabad on the river Musi. He built the Jamia mosque at Charminar. He died in 1611. He was succeeded by his nephew Mohd. Qutubshah as he had no sons. Mohd Qutub Shah joined the confederation of Deccani powers against Moughals to stop their advance towards Deccan/South. He was a scholar and composed gazals, tarki, bunds and rubaya. He died in 1662, and was succeeded by his son-in-law Sayyed Ahmed in 1667.

At this time the Moughals annexed Ahmednagar and marched towards Golkonda. Sayyed Ahmed signed the treaty, and accepted the suzerainity of Moughal emporer Shah Jahan and agreed to pay 8 lakhs of rupees as tribute to Moughlals.

With the connivance of mirjumla the Mughal Emperor Aurgangzeb sent his son Mohd. Sultan in 1656, who besiezed Golkonda and occupied Hyderabad. However on intervention of Darashekou and Jahanara from Delhi, Aurangazeb was compelled to raise the seize on payment of one crore and to surrender Chinnoor. Later Mohd Sultan married the second daughter of Abdullah. Abdullah died in 1672 and his son-in-law Abul Hassan succeeded him. He appointed Madanna as his Prime Minister and his brother Akkanna as commander in chief. In 1687 Auragazeb again attacked Golkonda which successfully resisted -his advance. But due to treachery of Sardar Khan a high officer in the Army who opened the gate of Golkonda fort, captured the fort in 1687 and Abul Hassan was made captive. They looted the city in every street and market place where lakhs worth in cash, property, chinaware and costly carpets of aristocracy was available.

The State of Hyderabad was founded by Mir Qamruddin Chin Qilich Khan. He was the son of Aurangzeb’s general . Ghazi-ud-din Khan Feroz Jang, who traced his ancestry to Abu Bakr, the first Khalifa. In 1713, six years after Aurangzeb’s death, emperor Farrukhsiyar made Mir Qamruddin Viceroy of the Deccan, with the title of Nizam-ul-Mulk Feroz Jang. Later, emperor Muhammad Shah conferred on him the title of Asaf Jah, by which title the dynasty is still known. By 1724, Mir Qamruddin had made himself virtually independent of Delhi, although he and his successors continued to profess a nominal allegiance to the Moghul emperor right up to 1858, when the British Crown assumed the governance of India.

In 1799 the Nizam aided the East India Company in the war with Tippu Sultan and after the latter’s defeat and death, the British gave a part of his territories to the Nizam.

The death of Nizam All Khan and the succession of his eldest surviving son, Sikander Jah, occured on 7 August 1803.

Sikander Jah died on 21 May 1829, and was succeeded by his eldest surviving son, nasir-ud-Daula. By the Treaty of 1853, the province of Berar, along with certain districits in the Raichur Doab and on the wertern frontier of Hyderabad, were assigned for this purpose, their administration being taken over by British officers under the control of the Resident at Hyderabad.

By the Treaty of 1860, except for Berar, all the other districts assigned in 1853 were restored.

Mir Mahbub Ali Khan was a minor when he succeeded his father afzal-ud-Daula on 26 February 1869.

The Hyderabad contingent with the exception of the artillery which was disbanded, was delocalized and incorporated in the Indian Army, with provision for the protection of the Nizam’s dominion.

Nizam Mir Usman Ali Khan Bahadur is the seventh in the line. He succeeded to the gaddi on 29 August 1911. In 1918 the title of “is Exalted Highness” was conferred on him as a hereditary distinction. Shortly thereafter, by an autograph letter from the King, he was granted the title of ‘Faithful Ally of the British Government.’

Geographically, Hyderabad occupies a pivotal position in the heart of the country. In population, revenue and importance it was the premier State in the country. The population was nearly sixteen million and the annual revenue Rs. 26 crores. Its area was over 82,000 square miles. Hyderabad had its own coinage, paper currency and stamps. Hyderabad was treated by the British no differently from other Indian States. The right of intervention in internal affairs was repeatedly asserted and exercised.

In 1985 Reading, then Viceroy, ascertained that the sovereignty of the British Crown was supreme in India. The Viceroy pointed out that it was the right of the British Government to intervene in the internal affairs of Indian States, and that the Nizam did not stand in a category separate from that of rulers of the other Indian states.

In March 1946 the cabinet mission advised the princely states regarding the future of their merger after the formation of independent India, and separate Pakistan for Indian Muslims. This was further clarified in May 1946 referring to the lapse of paramountency and formation of federation. The congress opposed the Independent states outside the Federal Union, but the Muslim league was encouraging the states to remain Independent. Nizam of Hyderabad was under the influence of a fanatical body called Ittehadul Musulmin under Kasim Razvi, declared his intention to remain as independent state.

Soon after the announcement of His Majesty’s Government’s plan of 3 June 1947, the Nizam issued a firman declaring his intention not to send representatives to the Constituent Assembly of either Pakistan or India, and making it clear that on 15 August he would be entitled to resume the status of an independent sovereign. It had been his ambition to secure Dominion Status for his State, on the withdrawal of the British and treatment then henceforth as a member of the British Commonwealth of Nations. When he saw that clause 7 of the Indian Independence Bill did not permit that grant of Dominion Status to an Indian State. The Nizam sent a delegation to Delhi on 11 July headed by the Nawab of Chhatari, President of the Executive Council, to meet Lord Mountbatten.

Meanwhile, Laik Ali was pressing that the Hyderabad issue should be taken to the United Nations Organization. On 17 August, he wrote to Nehru that Hyderabad had decided to solicit the good offices of the United Nations Organization in order that the dispute between Hyderabad and India might be resolved and a peaceful and enduring settlement arrived at.

The Indian Government did not agree that Hyderabad had any right in international law to seek the intervention of the United Nations Organization or any other outside body for the settlement of the issue. And that as the Government of India regarded the Indo-Hyderabad dispute as a purely domestic one, they did not recognize the Nizam’s claim to invoke the good offices of the United Nations in that connation.

The below given are the detailed notes on the history of Ancient,medieval ,modern period of the Telangana region and also the freedom struggle, Razakar Movement and The separate Telangana agitation.

Hyderabad reality on high rise

By M H AHSAN

Hyderabad is India’s 6th largest metropolis and the 40th largest metropolitan area in the world, with more than 6.1 million people making it a happening place. The IT sector of Hyderabad had spelled bound investors and realtors and not for nothing, the 1500 acre IT Park at Secunderabad has made almost 50% IT buyers in the real estate boom.

Hyderabad has never had it so good. Its real estate prices in fact have never been this high in the last decade. If there is one indication that a city is growing and boasts of a booming economy with promise of more to come, it is in the demand for real estate and the price it commands.

Along with the boom in the number of IT and ITES companies in Hyderabad, the city is also witnessing a corresponding boom in its realty prices. Real estate prices generally fluctuate as per three parameters: demand-supply ratio, site location and the perception of the prime purchaser.

Real estate in Hyderabad has fared positively on all three counts. For the last two or three years, Hyderabad has seen an unprecedented demand for land,spurred by the arrival of IT and ITES companies. The growth of the IT industry has not only increased demand for both office spaces for the companies and residences for their employees , but has also catalyzed the growth of the retail space segment.

Demand for land has clearly far outstripped the supply, thus pushing up land values in pockets earmarked as the IT corridor and the nearest developed areas. Besides, with plans for the International Airport , Fab City, Outer Ring Road and Greater Hyderabad all gradually taking concrete shape, the perception that Hyderabad is happening is gaining currency nationwide, among multinational companies as well as developers.

As a natural corollary, land values in areas close to these are which figure high in plans for Greater Hyderabad have seen a sharp rise in prices.

This price rise is not completely new. Traditionally investing in land at Hyderabad has always been an attractive proposition, with an annual growth rate of about 15-25 percent. However, over the last three years, the rate has increased to a more robust 30-40 per cent. Experts cite several reasons for this above average growth rate.

M L Rao, Equate Consultants says political stability and an industry-friendly environment are the biggest drivers for real estate growth anywhere; the State has been fortunate on both counts, despite the change in the Government. So strong has the positive sentiment been that real estate prices that had been rising steadily till the N Chandrababu Naidu government fell, did not dip but merely stabilized after the Y S Rajasekhara Reddy government came to power.

With the fall of the N Chandrababu Naidu government and the emergence of the TRS as a popular entity, and the farmer friendly image the Congress government rode to power , real estate rates in the city plummeted by nearly15-20 percent.

Hyderabad wouldn’t be a `happening’ place, people feared. However, most developers adopted a wait and watch policy and simply sat on their land banks, refusing to sell at the low rates that consumers demanded. Developers were quick to admit that very few transactions actually took place during that time.

Land prices on the Srisailam, Warangal and Vijayawada highways suffered the worst dropping as much as 20-25 percent, on fears that Telangana would take Hyderabad with it. But not for long. Those who dared to wait have did actually tide over the crisis and are now catching the wave on the rise.

The decimation of the TRS in the municipal polls, coupled with healthy monsoons , reinforced the feel good factor and was immediately reflected in the land rates surging by as much as 25-30 per cent between September and December 2005.

Besides a stable government and excellent infrastructure, Hyderabad boasts of a reasonably comfortable power position and of development plans initiated by the Government that can only improve infrastructure facilities in a planned manner.

In addition to the increasing number of high net worth individuals and double income families, profits from the booming stock market and real estate business are being pumped into real estate industry itself. Sources also reveal that a large chunk of funds, to the tune of Rs 10,000 crores, that were allotted to contractors as advances for irrigation projects in the State are also making way into the real estate market.

With so much cash freely flowing in,it is clearly a sellers market, leading to unprecedented rates. In fact though the market has seen a 100 per cent rise in prices in the last 18 months, realtors say this is only the tip of the iceberg.

They say that by 2008, certain pockets of the city such as lands close to ORR Phase 1, Gachibowli, Vattinagulapally , Khajaguda, Manikonda, Nadagulla and Tellapur could well see another 100 percent hike. Other parts of the city such as Kukatpally , Kompally, Vijayawada and Mumbai Highways which have so far witnessed 30 per cent increase in the last 18 months, will see at least 40-60 percent increase in the next year and a half.

There will be no dip, experts predict. That must be music to those who have already invested, and is a wake up call to all those who havent, so far.
Private companies, foreign investors, domestic investors and even the state government are all realizing the immense potential in Hyderabad’s real estate market. Thanks to the state government, the city has become a favored destination for foreign investors and large corporate houses. The Hyderabad realty market has never been so good in Hyderabad for real estate investors The state government must step in to check such cases so that the benefits of the real estate market can be shared by all.

Hyderabad reality on high rise

By M H AHSAN

Hyderabad is India’s 6th largest metropolis and the 40th largest metropolitan area in the world, with more than 6.1 million people making it a happening place. The IT sector of Hyderabad had spelled bound investors and realtors and not for nothing, the 1500 acre IT Park at Secunderabad has made almost 50% IT buyers in the real estate boom.

Hyderabad has never had it so good. Its real estate prices in fact have never been this high in the last decade. If there is one indication that a city is growing and boasts of a booming economy with promise of more to come, it is in the demand for real estate and the price it commands.

Along with the boom in the number of IT and ITES companies in Hyderabad, the city is also witnessing a corresponding boom in its realty prices. Real estate prices generally fluctuate as per three parameters: demand-supply ratio, site location and the perception of the prime purchaser.

Real estate in Hyderabad has fared positively on all three counts. For the last two or three years, Hyderabad has seen an unprecedented demand for land,spurred by the arrival of IT and ITES companies. The growth of the IT industry has not only increased demand for both office spaces for the companies and residences for their employees , but has also catalyzed the growth of the retail space segment.

Demand for land has clearly far outstripped the supply, thus pushing up land values in pockets earmarked as the IT corridor and the nearest developed areas. Besides, with plans for the International Airport , Fab City, Outer Ring Road and Greater Hyderabad all gradually taking concrete shape, the perception that Hyderabad is happening is gaining currency nationwide, among multinational companies as well as developers.

As a natural corollary, land values in areas close to these are which figure high in plans for Greater Hyderabad have seen a sharp rise in prices.

This price rise is not completely new. Traditionally investing in land at Hyderabad has always been an attractive proposition, with an annual growth rate of about 15-25 percent. However, over the last three years, the rate has increased to a more robust 30-40 per cent. Experts cite several reasons for this above average growth rate.

M L Rao, Equate Consultants says political stability and an industry-friendly environment are the biggest drivers for real estate growth anywhere; the State has been fortunate on both counts, despite the change in the Government. So strong has the positive sentiment been that real estate prices that had been rising steadily till the N Chandrababu Naidu government fell, did not dip but merely stabilized after the Y S Rajasekhara Reddy government came to power.

With the fall of the N Chandrababu Naidu government and the emergence of the TRS as a popular entity, and the farmer friendly image the Congress government rode to power , real estate rates in the city plummeted by nearly15-20 percent.

Hyderabad wouldn’t be a `happening’ place, people feared. However, most developers adopted a wait and watch policy and simply sat on their land banks, refusing to sell at the low rates that consumers demanded. Developers were quick to admit that very few transactions actually took place during that time.

Land prices on the Srisailam, Warangal and Vijayawada highways suffered the worst dropping as much as 20-25 percent, on fears that Telangana would take Hyderabad with it. But not for long. Those who dared to wait have did actually tide over the crisis and are now catching the wave on the rise.

The decimation of the TRS in the municipal polls, coupled with healthy monsoons , reinforced the feel good factor and was immediately reflected in the land rates surging by as much as 25-30 per cent between September and December 2005.

Besides a stable government and excellent infrastructure, Hyderabad boasts of a reasonably comfortable power position and of development plans initiated by the Government that can only improve infrastructure facilities in a planned manner.

In addition to the increasing number of high net worth individuals and double income families, profits from the booming stock market and real estate business are being pumped into real estate industry itself. Sources also reveal that a large chunk of funds, to the tune of Rs 10,000 crores, that were allotted to contractors as advances for irrigation projects in the State are also making way into the real estate market.

With so much cash freely flowing in,it is clearly a sellers market, leading to unprecedented rates. In fact though the market has seen a 100 per cent rise in prices in the last 18 months, realtors say this is only the tip of the iceberg.

They say that by 2008, certain pockets of the city such as lands close to ORR Phase 1, Gachibowli, Vattinagulapally , Khajaguda, Manikonda, Nadagulla and Tellapur could well see another 100 percent hike. Other parts of the city such as Kukatpally , Kompally, Vijayawada and Mumbai Highways which have so far witnessed 30 per cent increase in the last 18 months, will see at least 40-60 percent increase in the next year and a half.

There will be no dip, experts predict. That must be music to those who have already invested, and is a wake up call to all those who havent, so far.
Private companies, foreign investors, domestic investors and even the state government are all realizing the immense potential in Hyderabad’s real estate market. Thanks to the state government, the city has become a favored destination for foreign investors and large corporate houses. The Hyderabad realty market has never been so good in Hyderabad for real estate investors The state government must step in to check such cases so that the benefits of the real estate market can be shared by all.